Ferrara was one of the places where exiled Sephardim regrouped in the first half of the 16th Century.
The Duchy of Ferrara, Modena and Reggio was a north Italian state, sandwiched between almost everyone else. The Jews who lived there were probably better off than those in the Papal States, but suffering discrimination and persecution. In the 16th Century the ruling Este family were considerably more enlighted than many of their contemporaries, but their policy towards the Jews was one of enlightened self-interest rather than Enlightenment values.
Sephardi refugees from Papal persecution in Ancona are reported to have settled in Ferrara in 1555, under the rule of Ercole II d’Este. He was the son of Lucretia Borgia, and grandson of Pope Alexander VI. Maybe it was the Borgia genes that guided him.
Samuel Usque – author of Consolação ás Tribulações de Israel – lived in the city.
See Aron de Leone Leoni, La Nazione ebraica spagnola e portoghese di Ferrara. Vols 1 and 2, Florence: Leo Olschki Publishers, 2011
From the Jewish Encyclopaedia:
Under the dukes of Este in the fifteenth century the community developed rapidly. It was the aim of these rulers to strengthen the economic condition of their country by attracting settlers. The growing need of credit facilitated the settlement of Jews, who probably were at first admitted here, as to other states of Italy, as money-lenders, though they afterward became active as retailers, manufacturers, and tradesmen. The Jews were allowed autonomy; and the government appointed a special judge to adjudicate matters between Jews and Christians. Though the Jews were permitted to dwell anywhere in the city, most of them lived together in certain streets, which were collectively called “La Zuecca.” The community of Ferrara was at that time large enough to be represented at the rabbinical congresses of Bologna (1416) and Forli (1418). It was the duty of Elhanan ben Menahem Portaleone and Joseph Hezekiah ben Moses, delegates at Forli, to see that the enactments of the congress were carried out, and that the money necessary to secure papal intervention was paid at the proper time. The Jews of the Romagna shared in the privileges granted by Martin V. in 1419 to secure to the Jews generally the protection of their rights. Fanatical priests, it is true, constantly sought, by threats of excommunication, to incite the populace against the Jews, to prohibit the sale to them of provisions, and to break off all relations with them; but upon the combined requests of the archduke Lionel and the Jewry, Nicholas V. assured the latter the fullest protection and forbade all further incitation to trouble on the part of the priests. The same pope was also petitioned in 1451 by Duke Borso for immunity for having extended to the Jews, who had lived there “from time immemorial,” the privilege of further residence, and for having granted them permission to build synagogues. In return for the legal protection which Borso accorded the Jews, the state imposed high taxes upon them, while the princes no doubt borrowed money from them without paying interest. The Jews were further called upon on various occasions to undertake special tasks. In 1456 Borso forced them, as a penalty “for insults to religion,” to lay out at their own expense a long avenue of poplars. The dukes of Este not only protected the Jews, but even offered an asylum to those who were persecuted. Thus in 1473 Duke Ercole I. declared, probably in answer to the pope’s request for their expulsion, that in the interest of the duchy he could not spare them, and that he would therefore relieve them not only from all special burdens, but also from the payment of the sums formerly extorted as taxes by papal legates. On account, however, of the magnificent buildings which were beingerected, the burden of the ordinary taxes had become so heavy that Alfonso I., in confirming (1505) the privileges of the Jews of Ferrara, decreed that the communities of the province should bear a part of that burden.
The expulsion of the Jews from Spain and Portugal proved to be a matter of great importance to the community of Ferrara. Ercole I., at the instance of his wife, Eleanora of Naples, granted to twenty-one families which had landed at Genoa the privilege of settling in his territory and of leaving it at any time. They were allowed to follow any trade, to farm the taxes, and to be apothecaries; and the duke even promised to secure for them papal permission to practise medicine among Christians. Their baggage was to be admitted free of duty; but, since the revenues were farmed, and the matter was out of the jurisdiction of the state, the customary rates had to be paid on merchandise. The refugees were to share all the privileges of the other Jews, with the exception of establishing loan-offices, though afterward permits were granted even to do this. On Nov. 20, 1492, the fugitives received their passports, and on Feb. 1, 1493, the final agreement was made. Among those who signed this compact were members of well-known families, like the Naḥhmias, the Abulafias, and the Francos. The immigrants were physicians, merchants, and artisans.Settlement of Maranos.
The kind treatment of the duke soon attracted to Ferrara other fugitives, among whom were many Maranos from Portugal, who now openly professed Judaism. The Christian population gladly received the newcomers (all of whom they called “Portuguese”), since they were wealthy and intelligent citizens through whom the flourishing city entered into new commercial relations and was taught new industries. By their share in the commerce of the Spanish colonies, from which they brought Spanish wools, silks, and crimson, as well as of India, whence pearls were imported, they greatly developed the commerce of the city. They likewise stimulated the export trade by their transactions with Maranos in Flanders, Lyons, Rome, Naples, and Venice. The population of Ferrara grew rapidly at this time. Under Ercole the city doubled in population, and there was a rapid development of industries, especially in silk and cloth. The Jewish community of Ferrara is said to have consisted of 3,000 souls. The fact that the sum paid by it—5 per cent of the total property of the Jews—as “Turks’ tax” amounted to one-third more than that paid by the community of Rome, is an indication of its development and increasing resources.
It is true, however, that the Estes could not free themselves from all the prejudices of the time. They, also, regarded it as a “mark of respect” for the Jews to be distinguished from the Christian population; thus Alfonso I. “in grazia loro” decreed that the Jews and Maranos should wear the Jews’ badge, an “O” with an orange-yellow stripe a handbreadth wide. A “monte di pietà” (pawn-shop)—one of the institutions established by Christian socialism in opposition to the Jews—was opened at Ferrara in 1507, without, however, ruining the Jews there as in other places. Religious disputations, also, were forced upon the Jews. Ercole I., his wife, and his brother compelled Abraham Farissol to dispute with several monks (after 1505), and to write his arguments in Italian, so that his opponents might examine and refute them. Under Julius III. the Inquisition was allowed to proceed against the Jews, and as a result the Talmud and other rabbinical writings were burned (1553).
The compact between Ercole II. and the arch-enemy of the Jews, Pope Paul IV., made the condition of the Jews worse. Taxes for the maintenance of the House of Catechumens at Rome were then rigorously exacted. Isaac Abravanel II., whom the Estes highly esteemed as a physician and philanthropist, was imprisoned on a charge of treason, but was found innocent and released.
But the princes were not so blind as not to perceive the beneficial effect of Jewish immigration upon the general welfare. In 1534 Ercole II., especially emphasizing the loyalty of the Jews, confirmed them in all their former privileges, allowed the Maranos free admission to his territories, and granted them permission to openly profess their ancestral faith. At a time when hatred of the Jews was strongest and the fiercest persecution was general, Ferrara remained a bulwark of religious liberty, an asylum for “heretics”; the expelled Jews of Naples and Bologna found a refuge there, as did also the Maranos from Ancona, the duke assuring them perfect religious freedom. When Pius II. wished to abolish the pawn-shops, Alfonso II decidedly opposed the step, because he felt that the interest of his country demanded their retention.The Earthquake of 1570.
In 1570 (Feb. 16-17) a terrible earthquake visited Ferrara, “on which occasion many houses and about twelve churches, monasteries, and nunneries were destroyed. Under the ruins of the houses about 200 persons met their death, but not a single Jew perished. The wealthy and liberal Jews who owned houses, courts, or enclosed gardens, opened them and received every one who came, so that some of them harbored no less than 100 strangers; they cared for the needs of the poor, provided fuel for them, and clothed and fed them” (Joseph ha-Kohen, “‘Emeḳ ha-Bakah”). The Jews felt themselves so closely connected with the house of Este that when in 1581 Princess Leonora, the friend of Tasso, fell sick, they offered public prayers in the synagogue for her recovery. She herself was a friend of the Jews and repeatedly protected them. Her husband, Alfonso II., also showed his good will toward them; during the famine of 1590 he distributed bread among 2,000 Jews and 200 Spanish and Portuguese Maranos.
The prosperous condition of the Jews, which rested on the favor of the ruling prince, came to an end when, in 1597, the last Este died without leaving any direct male heir. The pope claimed the duchy, and received it after a short resistance, Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini taking charge of it in behalf of the Curia. Amidst the shouts of rejoicing which greeted the papal legate upon entering the city, the cry was heard: “Down with the Jews!” Great anxiety took possession of the community, especially the Maranos, who dreaded the rule of thepope; and about one-half of the Ferrara Jews migrated to Modena, Venice, and Mantua, so that the census of 1601 showed only 1,530 Jews in a total population of 32,860.
The new ruler, however, proved himself more just than the Jews had anticipated. The cardinal soon became convinced of the importance of the Jews for the commerce and industry of the city; and he granted to the Maranos a respite of five years, which he had obtained with great difficulty from the pope.
The Ghetto.
On Feb. 17, 1598, was issued a constitution which provided that the Jews in the city and duchy of Ferrara were to be tolerated only on condition that, commencing with May 24, both men and women wore the Jews’ badge. Permission to engage in trade was renewed; but the farming of taxes, the keeping of animals, and the acquisition of real estate were prohibited. Within fiveyears all property in the hands of Jews was to be sold—a provision which was carried out in 1602. The number of synagogues was limited to one for each rite; and for the permission to sustain them the Jews had to pay a tax to the House of Catechumens. They were allowed to have only one cemetery (public obsequies being entirely prohibited), and to use Hebrew books only when provided with the imprimatur of the censor. Every new arrival had to report himself to the authorities within three days. Lending money on interest and banking were forbidden to the Jews, being permitted to the monte di pietà exclusively. This provision, however, failed as early as 1599; and the excited population was quieted only when the Jews were again allowed to open banks, a privilege which remained in force till 1683. Other enactments tending to mortify the Jews and to lower them in the eyes of the populace were issued, and finally the severest measure which the papacy ever adopted against the Jews—the institution of the ghetto—was extended to Ferrara (1624). A commission of twelve noblemen appointed to protest against the proposed measure gained nothing except a short respite. During 1626-27 the Via Sabbioni, Via Gattamarcia, and Via Vignatagliata, where the greater part of the Jews had lived for many years, were enclosed by five gates erected at their expense. All Jews were obliged to take houses there that they might be better protected and guarded. The regulations for taking possession of lodgings by the Jews and the newly established “jus ḥazaka” were published in sixteen paragraphs. Among the decrees enacted by the papacy, likewise “in the interest of the Jews,” was one ordering one-third of the male members of the community of the age of twelve years and upward to be present at the delivery of sermons directed toward their conversion. The church in which these sermons were preached was at a considerable distance from the ghetto, and on the way thither the victims of intolerance were often grossly insulted. On this account a more convenient place was chosen in 1695. Forced baptisms, likewise, were not unknown. Jurisdiction in the case of difficulties between Jews and Christians was still exercised by the “giudice dé savi”; and the efforts of the bishop in 1630 to have the powers of that officer annulled proved vain. Furthermore, until 1708 the Jewish authorities were allowed jurisdiction within the community, appeal from their decisions being permitted only in cases where more than five scudi was involved. In that year, however, the united efforts of the lawyers were successful in securing the abolition of this partial autonomy.
It was natural that such treatment should reduce the wealth of the Jewish population more and more; the ghetto was too poor; and high rents oppressed the impoverished community. Petitions to limit the number inhabiting the ghetto and to reduce the taxes were flatly refused. The result was that the debts of the community and the interest charges grew from year to year; and the richer Jews, obliged to make ever greater sacrifices, emigrated. According to a greatly overestimated report of the papal legate made in 1703, among the 328 families was one whose wealth amounted to 80,000 scudi; ten others possessed between 5,000 and 8,000 scudi; while 148 tradesmen were unable to pay taxes, and 72 lived on alms (“R. E. J.” xvi. 249). Naturally, the repressive laws produced among the general population a malicious disposition toward the Jews. In 1648 a Jew sentenced for murder was frightfully tortured. The populace seized the opportunity to commit greater outrages in the ghetto; and similar excesses are reported in the years 1651, 1705, 1744, 1747, and 1754.
On such occasions, it is true, edicts to protect the Jews were issued by the papal legates; but, on the other hand, the populace was reminded of the existing strict laws, and all intercourse with Jews and all services to them were forbidden. Thus at Ferrara the rigid Roman decree of 1732 referring to the Jews was introduced; and in 1733 an edict was issued prohibiting the employment of Christian servants and enjoining a strict censorship of Hebrew books. Jews might neither travel nor visit fairs without the permission of the Inquisition; and in their journeys they were to wear the Jews’ badge. This last provision, however, was abolished in 1735. That in spite of such cruel laws and mental torment the community nevertheless continued to exist was due to the discrepancy between the law and its execution. The population was often more friendly than the papal government to the Jews; and the officials quite frequently failed to enforce the laws.